Ben Richardson
Professor Craig
World Politics 001H
16 November 2011
International development is difficult to define. In fact Goldstein and Pevehouse call it a “subjective” concept “that cannot be measured statistically” (Goldstein 461). It is a measurement of the quality of life of a state’s citizens, but it includes so many factors that experts’ standards of development vary wildly. Most agree that international development has an economic side, consisting of statistics like a nation’s GDP per capita. But perhaps the most important determinant of a nation’s level of development is the security of its citizens’ human rights.
Violations of human rights are so common in developing countries across the globe that it is impractical to try to address each instance as it happens. Instead, it makes more sense for human rights abuse to be considered a facet of under-development. Visit the website of an organization like Human Rights Watch and you will find headlines upon headlines regarding countries in the Third World. The violations of human rights that occur in developed countries like the United States are a far cry from the torture and murder perpetrated by governments of developing countries against their own citizens.
Consider the current situation in Syria as an example. Syria’s government has been cracking down on its citizens since anti-government protests began in March, unlawfully arresting peaceful protesters and proceeding to torture those they detain. Syrian forces have also taken to “cutting off communications and...restricting movement in and out of neighborhoods and the delivery of food and medicine” (“Syria: Crimes Against Humanity in Homs”).
The Human Rights Watch report “We Live as in War” includes the accounts of more that 100 Syrian victims of the violence. These accounts are invariably gruesome stories of abominable torture: victims were electrocuted, burned and beaten, occasionally to their deaths (“We Live as in War”). Some of the most heinous acts occurred in mosques or even at funerals (“We Live as in War”).
Authorities, including the International Monetary Fund, consider Syria a developing state. In that sense the actions of the Syrian government are not out of the ordinary, or at least they are not unexpected. The dominant discourse in international relations is that developing countries like Syria are naturally more susceptible to violations of human rights, and yet we continue to try to stop the violence without addressing the issue of development enough to make long-term progress. If we want to protect human rights, this leaves us with two viable options.
One, we can stay the course, and try to prove the prevalent theory wrong. Perhaps the development of Third World countries is not necessary to curb violations of human rights. But given the lack of Syria-scale crimes in First World countries, the second option seems a better bet. If human rights face the biggest threat in under-developed countries, which seems evident, it makes sense to assist with development as much as possible.
Both South Korea and Taiwan have demonstrated a decline in human rights violations since the eighties, and they have been among the fastest-developing countries over that same period. Their progress indicates that development is indeed the best path to combatting crimes against humanity. The next step in this process is to put the plan in action for countries like Syria.
Philip Alston and Mary Robinson address this in their book Human Rights and Development: “there is a great deal more that the human rights community can do in terms of...[demonstrating] how human rights dimensions can best be integrated into work being done on many of the key challenges that confront those seeking to promote human development” (Alston). Alston, Robinson, and numerous other contributors, go on to suggest economic and social actions that could or should be taken to assist with the development of nations and protect human rights.
Works Cited
Alston, Philip and Mary Robinson. Human Rights and Development. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2005. Print 16 Nov 2011.
Goldstein, Joshua S. and Jon C. Pevehouse. International Relations. New York: Longman, 2010. Print.
“Syria: Crimes Against Humanity in Homs.” Human Rights Watch. 11 Nov 2011. Web 16 Nov 2011.
“We Live as in War.” Human Rights Watch. 11 Nov 2011. Web 16 Nov 2011.
What factors, do you believe, contribute to the vulnerability of human rights
ReplyDeleteviolations in developing countries?
There is a line in your paper that I found most intriguing: "The violations of human rights that occur in developed countries like the United States are a far cry from the torture and murder perpetrated by governments of developing countries against their own citizens."
ReplyDeleteWhat particular human rights violations of the US are you comparing to the violations of underdeveloped countries? An argument has been made that the interrogations that took place in detention centers and Guantanamo Bay during Bush's "War on Terror" were human rights violations. There is even evidence that these interrogations lead to deaths of detainees. Considering that the US is a developed country, how might these facts be incorporated into your argument that the underdevelopment of countries and human rights violations are directly related?
Good paper, Ben!
ReplyDeleteDo you have thoughts in terms of what specific projects can be implemented to aid human rights in developing countries? Are there
initiatives or certain focuses (youth/women empowerment, etc) that have been most effective in this field? Does limiting human rights abuses involve getting involved with the government, or can/should it be done on an apolitical scale?
I liked your paper Ben! We recently read an article in class describing DC as a third world city. Do you think that those individuals face the same problems as individuals in developing countries? If so, how do you suggest we fix the problems in the US versus abroad? Which should have the bigger focus?
ReplyDeleteInteresting paper! In relation to what Aurora mentioned about US violations of human rights during to War on Terror, I think one of the major differences between the violations in the US and places like Syria is the victim. As you mentioned, Syria violates the human rights of its citizens. The US acts during the War on Terror have been against non-citizens. I wonder if you see that as an important difference or if you consider the scale of the violations more important.
ReplyDeleteI'm not sure if I can shed light on this issue, but I'll try. In response to the posts about the United States engaging in human rights offenses against those being detained at Guantanamo Bay, I would argue that these are a different set of offenses. As the current World Hegemon and an International power, we do not attack and hurt our own citizens. While torturing terrorists is wrong at Guantanamo Bay, it is/was considered a part of war by our government. Many other powerful countries also torture individuals to get information. It is seen as part of war in the International System, but not spoken about. These are separate than attacks on Human Rights because they are not our citizens, like Jenny Sue stated. Ben, I enjoyed the paper! Very enlightening. I would somewhat reiterate what Caroline stated in her comment. What current programs do you think need to be put in place to ensure development in Third World countries, and where would you put funding in these countries to stimulate development and improve quality of life?
ReplyDeleteBen,
ReplyDeleteIn the sixth paragraph of your paper, you mention that “it makes sense to assist with development as much as possible.” I was wondering if you meant that it is up to first world nations to assist developing countries financially. If this is the case, what kind of improvements do you believe could be made in order to make sure that first world nations stick to promises of sending funds to countries? In 2008, President Obama had a group of countries agree to commit $22 billion for agricultural development and food security in poorer countries, but many of these commitments have not yet been met. In cases like these, where wealthy countries promise funds, how do you suggest enforcing international assistance?