In class on Monday we discussed
mercenaries and how they affect International Relations. We mostly examine the
relationship between the United States and private military forces and
contractors. However, the remaining dictatorships in the Middle East have used
mercenaries more frequently and prevalently in the aftermath of the Arab Spring
with compelling results. Specifically, the Syrian government has been using
mercenaries from Iraq, Iran, and Lebanon. Free Syrian Army chief Riad al-Asaad
has reported that Hezbollah and infamous Iraq’s anti-American Shiite cleric
Moqtada Sadr have sent these private mercenary forces. Moreover Ammar al-Wawi,
the spokesman for the Free Syrian army, has indicated that this action has been
taken because the Syrian Arab Army has begun to lose control over its own
security forces. In clarification, the Free Syrian Army is the main armed group
in opposition to the Syrian government while the Syrian Arab Army is the major
military force of the state of Syria. As evidence of Al-Wawi’s claim, the
Jordanian government has reported that the state has received over one hundred Syrian
military and police defectors. Subsequently, the state of Jordan has declared
that it will host these Syrian defectors.
The case in Syria is symptomatic a deeper
problem in the Middle East. A United Nations expert group has recently warned
of “an alarming resurgence in the use of mercenaries and a major expansion in
military and security companies operating without regulation or accountability.”
In other words, states in the Middle East are using PMFs to engage in conflicts
and these mercenaries are not regulated and are not accountable in the same
ways as traditional military forces. This resurgence is relevant is highly
relevant to the topics that we have discussed. First, it reminds me of
Professor Chenoweth’s talk on civil resistance. On her talk, Professor
Chenoweth demonstrated that non-violent resistance movements are statistically
more effective at achieve their goals than violent resistance groups. One of
the variables that Chenoweth examined was the defection of security forces.
That is, non-violent resistance groups are more effective at gaining support of
national security forces. The support from these defected security forces helps
resistance groups gain momentum and traction. The case in Syria and throughout
the Middle East extends Professor Chenoweth’s argument ushering in a new line
of thought. It answers the following question: how does a state respond when
its security force defects? One could do an in-depth analysis on this issue
alone. Substantiating Professor Chenoweth’s hypothesis, it seems that the use
of mercenaries is also an indicator of upcoming political and social upheaval.
As luck would have it, news sources have indicated the Libyan government also
used the PMFs from not just Serbia, Ukraine, and Romania, but also Syria. The
same UN expert group that I previously referenced has corroborated this claim
and also asserted that the same in true in the Ivory Coast. In those two
countries, rebel groups have deposed the dictators despite the state’s use of
mercenary forces.
The ineffectiveness of PMFs in the Arab
world can also be used to draw interesting conclusions about international
structure. Additionally there are many further lines of inquiry that can be
speculated upon. Personally, I wondered if this habitual use of mercenaries by
Arab dictatorships was a result of the rational model, the organizational
process model, or government bargaining. It seems like to be that policymakers
in these states operate under some form of prospect theory, in which their
reference point is to have a security force to defend their command. Once this
force is lost, it must be immediately replaced and PMFs offer a viable, quick
replacement. Despite this hypothesis, I lack evidence to substantiate any
claim. Moreover, the use of mercenaries by both the global North and the global
South can be used to further examine the North-South gap militarily.
Traditionally, when developed states and developing or undeveloped states are
compared militarily, it is in terms of their technological capabilities and raw
manpower. The use of mercenaries, which are outside the bounds of national
forces, can provide a fresh examination of the differences between the
militaries of the global North and South. All in all, the appearance of
mercenaries in Arab Spring pervades through many issues that IR scholars
discuss and is a topic that should not be ignored or missed.
Works Referenced
http://www.jpost.com/MiddleEast/Article.aspx?id=211101
http://www.naharnet.com/stories/en/21336-rebel-army-chief-accuses-hizbullah-of-sending-mercenaries-to-syria
http://www.haaretz.com/news/middle-east/syria-rebels-assad-regime-recruiting-iranian-hezbollah-mercenaries-1.398010
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/syria/army.htm
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2011/11/2011111214047782304.html
http://www.sawtbeirut.com/lebanon-news/rebel-army-chief-accuses-hizbullah-of-sending-mercenaries-to-syria/
http://honors-wp2011.blogspot.com/2011/09/professor-chenoweths-talk-on-civil.html
Really interesting paper, Sagatom! I had no idea that Syria used so many mercenaries from various countries. I think that the role of mercenaries in the Arab world would be an intriguing topic to explore further. I wonder how the view of mercenary forces differs from the US (and developed world in general) to the Arab world? I also wonder how accountability comes into play with mercenaries in countries like Syria.
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